Blog
Student Blog: Data Privacy and Protection: The GDPR, CCPA, and the Future of Federal Regulations
by Kellen Safreed, 2L Editor
As data collection, use, and analysis become increasingly central to the operations of many companies, users and governments are growing concerned about the risks this data harvesting may pose to individual privacy. Scandals over the past few years, such as Cambridge Analytica’s improper use of Facebook user data during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign,[1]major hacks of companies like Equifax and Target,[2]as well as a range of other breaches,[3]have made data privacy a major issue. Consequently, we need to consider what legislation can or should do to mitigate risks to our personal data.
In 2018, the European Union’s new data privacy framework, the General Data Privacy Regime[4], went into effect. This comprehensive regulation applies standards and rules for data collection and use across the EU and applies globally to all companies collecting data on users located within the bloc.[5]A similar regulation, the California Consumer Privacy Act[6], is set to be enforced beginning in 2020. It, too, applies not only to companies within its jurisdiction, the State of California, but also to all companies nationwide and around the world which use the data of California residents. Due to their global reach and potential for heavy fines, these two pieces of legislation are set to be influential in their own right and as potential models for future regulations.[7]
A major question is what, if anything, the U.S. federal government will do in the sphere of data protection. Current federal action in this area is limited to a “patchwork” of regulations which are limited to specific industries and types of data collection, with essentially free range given to companies who fall outside of current statutory ranges.[8]This is a stark contrast to the GDPR and CCPA, which are blanket regulations based on data collection and use per se.
My development article looks at the requirements imposed by the GDPR and CCPA, the consequences of noncompliance, and what U.S. companies should do to meet adhere to the regulations as cleanly and inexpensively as possible. I also consider possible avenues for federal legislation, including what that legislation may look like and how it could interact with current federal and state regulations.
A potential alternative to such federal legislation is the application of fiduciary duties, i.e. care, loyalty, and confidentiality, to data-collecting entities.[9]This could have the benefit of both better integrating into current U.S. legal structures and avoiding creating a new constitutional right to privacy while still correcting the current, major power imbalance between corporations and individual users.
[1]Melissa Quinn, California data-privacy law may become the model for Congress, Washington Examiner(July 22, 2019, 12:01 AM) https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/california-data-privacy-law-may-become-the-model-for-congress [https://perma.cc/RE58-FY9R]
[2]Almudena Arcelus, Brian Ellman, & Randal S. Milch, How Much Is Data Security Worth, 15 SciTech Law.10 (2019).
[3]Zachary N. Layne, The Modern Threat: Data Breaches, Security Measures, and a Call for Changes, 23 N.C. Banking Inst.159 (2019).
[4]Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data, and repealing Directive 95/46/EC (General Data Protection Regulation), 2016 O.J. (L. 119/1).
[5]Stephen Mulligan et al., Data Protection Law: An Overview, Congressional Research Service (March 25, 2019).
[6]California Consumer Privacy Act of 2018, A.B. 375, Ch. 55, § 3(2018), eff. Jan. 1, 2019.
[7]Catherine Barrett, Are the EU GDPR and the California CCPA Becoming the De Facto Global Standards for Data Privacy and Protection?, 15 SciTech Law.24 (2019).
[8]Stephen Mulligan et al., Data Protection Law: An Overview, Congressional Research Service 54 (March 25, 2019).
[9]Lindsey Barrett, Confiding in Con Men: U.S. Privacy Law, the GDPR, and Information Fiduciaries, 42 Seattle U. L. Rev.1057, 76 (2019)
Student Blog: Protecting the Wealth Tax’s Achilles Heel: Incentivizing Fair Taxpayer Asset Valuation
by Kevin Brown, RBFL Student Editor
The desirability and practicality of taxing net wealth has become a hot topic in the United States over the past few months due to support for such a tax by democratic presidential candidates such as Elizabeth Warren.[1]That being so, several European countries have already implemented (and some have subsequently repealed) a wealth tax in the past few decades. In almost all of those cases, administrative issues related to asset valuation resulted in governments narrowing the scope of the wealth tax or else unsustainable noncompliance on the part of taxpayers.[2]
How can European experiences with taxing net wealth inform the implementation of an efficient and effective wealth tax in the United States? What issues unique to the United States arise related to implementing a wealth tax? If it is possible to survive constitutional challenges to such a law, would a wealth tax be administratively feasible?[3]Are there ways to use the existing regimes of taxing estates, gifts, and income to solve the valuation-related problems[4]posed by the wealth tax?
My research seeks to collect and survey current scholarship in an effort to answer these questions.
Further, my article will address methods of incentivizing taxpayers to appropriately value their assets, especially ones that are typically difficult to value[5](think: IP, goodwill, art, partnership rights, &c). Despite the buzz about taxing wealth, many discussions stop short of actively addressing how to face the valuation problem.
As a coda to my research, my article will propose one possible method of incentivizing taxpayers to realistically value their assets.[6]If that sounds ambitious, I will at the very least suggest a framework wherein taxpayers who dramatically undervalue their assets under the wealth tax face penalties within the income tax upon a realization event.
It may be helpful for some readers if I provide a brief distinction between income and wealth. Definitions abound, but, in a broad sense, income is the increase in wealth that comes within an individual’s control. Wealth, alternatively, is just the aggregate value of everything an individual owns at a given time.
As an example, imagine Abe and Beth. Abe is paid $100,000 each year for his work as a stunt man and has no other assets. Beth has $1,000,000 in an investment that pays her a 10% yearly return of $100,000. Abe and Beth earn the same amount taxable income (the $100,000 that comes under their control every year), but Beth clearly has more wealth. Beth’s $1,000,000 is safe from the income tax, however, because Beth simply lets it sit and grow.
Taxing wealth would allow the Treasury to tax each year a portion, say 2% (i.e. $20,000), of the $1,000,000 Beth owns. Such a tax is controversial, not only because it has never been implemented in the United States before, but also because it poses practical and theoretical difficulties. Namely, it motivates Beth or hide or misrepresent her wealth and imposes a tax on an individual’s assets without a traditional realization event (like a sale, exchange, gift event, or inheritance). Under a wealth tax, the investment would be taxed just for sitting there and growing.
Thus, imposing a wealth tax would change both the behavior of the tax base and would send ripples through settled areas of the law of taxation. My research does not seek to find affirmative answers to all the issues raised, but it does seek to collect and analyze current scholarship on the topic and to propose an original method of better incentivizing a taxpayer subject to a wealth tax to properly value her assets.
[1]Ultra-Millionaire Tax, Warren for President(Jan. 24, 2019), https://elizabethwarren.com/plans/ultra-millionaire-tax.
[2]Alexander Krenek & Margit Schratzenstaller, A European Net Wealth Tax, Austrian Institute of Economic Research4 (2018) (“Evaluation difficulties are one of the most common arguments against a recurrent net wealth tax.”).
[3]Letter from Bruce Ackerman, Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale U., et al, to Senator Elizabeth Warren (Jan. 24, 2019) (addressing constitutionality of Senator Warren’s proposed wealth tax).
[4]See Anthony J. Casey & Julia Simon-Kerr, A Simple Theory of Complex Valuation, 113 Mich. L. Rev. 1175, 1188 (2015) (surveying methods courts employ to address valuation problems); Nathan Matthews, The Valuation of Property in the Early Common Law, 35 Harv. L. Rev. 15, 29 (1921) (“[T]here is hardly any branch of law which is not concerned more or less with property values.”).
[5]SeeMarsack's Estate v. Comm'r, 288 F.2d 533, 535 (7th Cir. 1961) (asserting that under the IRC “[a]scertainment of the fair market value of property may, at times, be difficult, but except in rare cases, it is not an impossible task”).
[6]It is worth noting that 18 “ultra-millionaires” signed a June 24, 2019 letter supporting a tax on the net wealth of ultra-wealthy individuals, suggesting that at a class of highly net worth individuals willing to pay a wealth tax does exist. SeeJonathan Curry, Ultra-Wealthy Call for Warren-esque Wealth Tax, Tax Notes Federal(Jun. 25, 2019).
Student Blog: Big Tech and Financial Service – The Keep Big Tech out of Finance Act
by Daniel McCarthy, RBFL Student Editor
On July 15, 2019, the House Financial Services Committee introduced the “Keep Big Tech out of Finance” Bill. This Bill, if enacted, would have a few major impacts on the financial services industry. First, the Bill would prohibit technology companies that have an annual global revenue of over twenty-five billion dollars from either acting as a financial institution or being affiliated with a financial institution. Additionally, the Bill would ban technology companies of that size from offering or maintaining a marketplace, which acts as a stock exchange, thus effectively banning cryptocurrency products. The companies that would be most affected by this Bill are Amazon, Facebook, Google, Apple, and Microsoft. However, it should be noted that a number of notable FinTech companies, such as Robinhood, Coinbase, and SoFi would not be affected by this Bill because each of these companies’ global annual revenues are less than twenty-five billion dollars.
There appears to be a few key concerns that drove the House Financial Services Committee to introduce the Keep Big Tech Out of Finance Bill. The first concern is consumer protection, particularly misuse of consumer data, which is at the forefront of legislators’ minds following the recent issues with Facebook. Another concern with allowing Big Tech Companies into the financial sector is the potential negative impact on financial stability due to the Big Tech Companies having a lack of expertise in systematic risk analysis. The last major concern is that Big Tech Companies may actually have a negative impact on competition, as Big Tech companies may be able to use their existing customer base and access to existing and new capital to gain share and potentially push out large financial institutions from the sector.
On the other hand, there are also potential negative impacts from barring Big Tech Companies from entering the space. For example, prohibiting these companies’ entry may eliminate a number of improvements that these Big Tech Companies could potentially provide for consumers. Additionally, banning the Big Tech Companies from developing and offering cryptocurrency may inadvertently stop the development of a technology that can provide greater access to financial services to the underbanked.
While the current proposal is an all-or-nothing approach, there are a few potential options that are less restrictive, and still may alleviate some of the concerns. First, a governmental agency can be established to regulate how Big Tech Companies act in the financial sector, similar to how agencies like the SEC and FDIC regulate large financial institutions. Another potential solution is prohibiting Big Tech Companies from acting as independent financial organizations, but allowing them to partner with large financial institutions. These solutions may be more effective, as they would allow for consumers to benefit from potential innovations or improved offerings that Big Tech Companies may drive, while eliminating potential issues with consumer protection and financial stability.
Sources:
Pete Schroeder & Ismail Shakil,U.S. Proposes Barring Big Tech Companies from Offering Financial Services, Digital Currencies,Reuters (July 14, 2019), https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-cryptocurrency-bill/u-s-proposes-barring-big-tech-companies-from-offering-financial-services-digital-currencies-idUSKCN1U90NL[https://perma.cc/UBH6-WVFP].
Financial Stability Board, FinTech and Market Structure in Financial Services 1 (2019) (explaining FinTech firms are already in the market).
Keep Big Tech Out of Finance Act, H.R., 116thCong. (2019).
Fortune Global 500, Fortune (2019), https://fortune.com/global500/2019 [https://perma.cc/CT5W-TPHM].
Press Release, Federal Trade Commission, FTC Imposes $5 Billion Penalty and Sweeping New Privacy Restrictions on Facebook(July 24, 2019), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/press-releases/2019/07/ftc-imposes-5-billion-penalty-sweeping-new-privacy-restrictions [https://perma.cc/YE8Q-FGFV].
Ron Shevlin, Amazon’s Impending Invasion of Banking, Forbes (July 8, 2019), https://www.forbes.com/sites/ronshevlin/2019/07/08/amazon-invasion/#59d9128c7921 [https://perma.cc/9KK4-EEFC].
Miguel de la Mano & Jorge Padilla, Big Tech Banking4 (Dec. 4, 2018), https://ssrn.com/abstract=3294723.
Anton Ruddenklau, Tech Giants in Financial Services, KPMG(Jan. 2018), https://assets.kpmg/content/dam/kpmg/xx/pdf/2018/02/tech-giants-in-financial-services.pdf [https://perma.cc/H43A-NCPD].
Aaron Cutler & Kevin Wyoscki, Insights: Cryptocurrency has Washington’s Attention, but Beware Overregulation, BloombergLaw (July 24, 2019), https://www.bloomberglaw.com/document/XCEI7I2S000000?bc=W1siU2VhcmNoIFJlc3VsdHMiLCIvc2VhcmNoL3Jlc3VsdHMvMjk0NmE5YjA3MDk2MjMxMTc2MDQzMTQ1YjVkNTcyYWIiXV0--b348b23c64f70855be04955b0ddc137a27853751&guid=f6e3535b-a1b3-438a-92f4-1de713c72279&search32=nXkcaSydpyrn0WNTLzitPw%3D%3DgriAfWWvxWWJ6zuuMgySxJo6z_soHsqDyRkSWy18GlnXsaJbLpKFHQ_Kf32G8B5yQpZO6qvBvXlhPUlrdd915geEIxvsIQfQZc-RpfWwAyalfurhPAg9Y_LaY2obmAvqeg24LeRtynz6At1Ag7tpaw%3D%3D [https://perma.cc/6UEA-CN5Z].
Philip Rosenstein, Facebook’s Libra Raising Unique Questions for Lawmakers, Law360 (July 22, 2019), https://www-law360-com.ezproxy.bu.edu/articles/1180635/facebook-s-libra-raising-unique-questions-for-lawmakers [https://perma.cc/2WWD-9AZN].
Student Blog: The West Coast Housing Crisis
by Kevin Brothers, RBFL Student Editor
On the west coast, California and Oregon are dealing with serious affordable housing crises that have left many struggling to keep a roof over their heads, or left without one altogether. In Oregon, approximately 14,476 individuals are reported to be homeless.[1]The number of those experiencing chronic homelessness has jumped 28.6% between 2017 and 2018, the second worst rate in the country.[2]Fifty percent of renters in the state are cost burdened, meaning that they must pay more than thirty percent of their income on rent.[3]This issue is highlighted by the fact that Oregonians, according to a study conducted by the National Low-Income Housing Coalition, had to earn $22.97 an hour at a full-time job in order to comfortably pay the average rent of a two-bedroom unit.[4]In California, the situation is far more dire. Approximately 129,972 individuals experience homelessness accounting for nearly a quarter of the total homeless population in the country.[5]Median home prices in the Golden State have crested over the $600,000 mark.[6]Ranking second worst in the country, Californians must earn an average wage of $34.69 an hour in order to comfortably pay rent on the average two-bedroom unit.[7]
California and Oregon legislators have both recently enacted legislation that imposes upon landlords a mandatory cap on annual rent increases as well as measures to protect tenants from no-fault evictions.[8]Rent control, rent stabilization, rent inflation caps, inflation protection: brand it as you wish but this housing mechanism carries with it a checkered past and the nearly universal disdain of economists.[9]My upcoming note explores the ramifications of these new rent control statutes and asks the question: Can the new rent control measures overcome previous issues created by similar regulations implemented in the past and provide effective relief for these states’ respective affordable housing crises? I chose to explore this topic because as a native Californian, I have seen firsthand the devastating effects of the housing crisis and hope that our legislators are taking the proper approach to address this dire situation.
Proponents of the rent control measures tout its positive effects on financial stability and certainty for renters’ budgets. However, economists argue that rent control makes renting to tenants less financially viable, thereby encouraging them to withdraw their property from the rental market to be repurposed into condos and other uses. Economists also attack rent control measures on the theory that it discourages investment in real estate development and production of affordable housing stock. A study of rent control implemented in San Francisco in 1994 pointed out that available rental stock decreased by fifteen percent as landlords were disincentivized from keeping their units on the market.[10]These points address the need for more production of affordable housing stock as the core issue of the housing crisis. California Governor Gavin Newsom said it himself: “We need to build more damn houses.”[11]Will this address that core issue? Sadly, I think not.
[1]Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, 2018 Annual Homeless Assessment Report to Congress (2018).
[2]Id.
[3]Juan Carlos Ordonez, The epicenter of Oregon’s housing crisis, Oregon Center for Public Policy (Mar. 20, 2018), https://www.ocpp.org/2018/03/20/epicenter-oregons-housing-crisis/.
[4]Out of Reach 2019, National Low Income Housing Coalition (2019)
[5]Dept. Housing and Urban Development, supra note 1.
[6]CA real estate: Median home price at $607,990 in July; 4th straight month above $600K, North Nev. Business Rev., https://www.nnbusinessview.com/news/ca-real-estate-median-home-price-at-607990-in-july-4th-straight-month-above-600k/ (last visited Oct. 14, 2019).
[7]Out of Reach 2019, supra note 3
[8]Cal Civ. Code§ 1946.2 (West 2019); Or. Rev. Stat. Ann.§ 90.427 (West 2019).
[9]Megan McArdle, The one issue every economist can agree is bad: Rent control, Wash. Post(June 24, 2019), https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/06/15/comeback-rent-control-just-time-make-housing-shortages-worse/.
[10]Rebecca Diamond & Tim McQuade & Franklin Qian, The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and Inequality: Evidence from San Francisco, 109 Amer. Econ. Rev. 3365 (2019).
[11]Chuck Devore, Poverty And Affordable Housing - California's New Rent Control Law Will Make Things Worse,Forbes (Sept. 13, 2019), https://www.forbes.com/sites/chuckdevore/2019/09/13/poverty-and-affordable-housing-californias-new-rent-control-law-will-make-things-worse/#5f10fb744281
Student Blog: Altera Challenges the CSA
by Michael Waalkes, RBFL Student Editor
Altera Corp. v. Commissioneris a challenge to the validity of 26 C.F.R. § 1.482-7A(d)(2), which is a part of the framework governing cost-sharing arrangements (CSAs), a tax reduction technique often used by multinational companies. In a CSA, an American parent company and its foreign subsidiary reach an agreement to pool and share the research and development (R&D) costs of developing an intangible (usually intellectual property). The two entities then allocate the expenses of the R&D between them in proportion to what they expect to receive in income from the intangible. This has important tax consequences. Multinational corporations often incorporate foreign subsidiaries in low-tax jurisdictions, and thus are incentivized to allocate taxable income to those foreign subsidiaries, while keeping deductible expenses associated with the more heavily-taxed U.S. parent.
This is where the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) comes in. Under IRC § 482, the IRS has the authority to reallocate income and expenses between related entities to prevent tax evasion. Companies can avoid IRS reallocations by satisfying the requirements to qualify for a regulatory safe harbor (a “qualified CSA”). One of those requirements is that related CSA-participants share employee stock compensation costs. Tech companies with high R&D costs, such as Google and Facebook, are heavily reliant on employee stock compensation as an incentive for attracting and retaining highly skilled employees. From a tax perspective, companies want to avoid including stock compensation costs in the shared pool of their CSAs, as the expenses are far more useful as deductible set-off against their U.S. income. But on the other hand, companies want to qualify for the safe harbor and avoid the unpredictability and high transaction costs of dealing with IRS audit and assessment procedures.
Altera Corp., a software firm (since acquired in 2015 by Intel), made the decision to challenge the stock compensation provision of the safe harbor regulation, disputing a proposed IRS assessment in Tax Court. Altera’s primary substantive argument (it also asserted a violation of the Administrative Procedures Act) was that the regulation was inconsistent with a traditional test known as the “arm’s length standard”. Under this standard, costs need only be shared in a CSA if they would be shared in a comparable transaction conducted by unrelated parties (i.e. parties transacting at “arm’s length”). Stock compensation simply can’t meet that test. Any entity engaged in a rational arm’s length transaction would almost certainly not agree to share the cost of stock of an unrelated company not under its control.
The Tax Court focused on this inconsistency and, in a unanimous 15-0 panel ruling for Altera, found the regulation to be arbitrary and capricious. The IRS subsequently appealed to the 9th Circuit. After twice hearing oral arguments, the 9th Circuit panel reversed the Tax Court and upheld the regulation under Chevrondeference. Chief Judge Sidney Thomas issued a wide-ranging opinion, delving into IRC 482’s legislative history and finding the regulation justified by a strong congressional interest in achieving arm’s length results, rather than using a particular arm’s length method.
The reaction to the 9th Circuit’s opinion has been swift. Many companies have disclosed substantial anticipated losses in quarterly filings, as the IRS has announced it will begin auditing taxpayers on the stock compensation issue. Altera itself, meanwhile, has filed a petition for rehearing en banc, which is currently pending in the 9th Circuit. If unsuccessful, Altera may well seek certiorari from the Supreme Court, making this an issue to watch in the remainder of 2019 and beyond.
Sources:
Altera Corp. v. Comm’r, 926 F.3d 1061 (9th Cir. 2019)
Altera Corp. v. Comm’r, 145 T.C. 91, 94 (2015)
Richard Rubin & Theo Francis, Yearslong Tax Dispute Could Cost Big Tech Companies Billions, Wall St. Journal(Sep. 3, 2019)(subscription needed)
Facebook, Quarterly Rep. (Form 10-Q) at 23-25 (July 25, 2019)
Student Blog: Facebook’s newest project – Libra
by Inri Panajoti, RBFL Student Editor
Facebook recently announced its new currency, termed Libra. Libra’s mission is to “enable a simple global currency and financial infrastructure that empowers billions of people.” Globally, about 1.7 billion adults do not have access to traditional banking and international money transfer fees average around seven percent of the amount transferred. Libra’s goal is to give the underbanked, along with everyone else, access to a new currency and a more efficient and connected financial system. Libra will run on the blockchain, a type of technology used by many cryptocurrencies. Libra is composed of three major parts: (1) the blockchain used to run the cryptocurrency; (2) a reserve of assets designed to back up the currency known as the Libra Reserve; and (3) an independent association tasked with governing the project known as the Libra Association (“Association”). Libra is not like other cryptocurrencies. Besides using blockchain and cryptography, Libra is dedicated to setting itself apart. The Libra Reserve backs up the currency, giving it stability and intrinsic value. Additionally, many cryptocurrencies value decentralized governance, while Libra has a more centralized form of governance through the Association. The Association can be a great solution to help comply with regulations. It gives Libra more decentralized control than traditional financial systems, but it does not leave control completely to the public. The Association will oversee all decisions, regulations, and matters relating to Libra, and will have all of the original validator nodes of the network. Meaning that the Association will be the only ones that can approve transactions, create, or destroy Libra. While Facebook came up with the idea for Libra, it will not be directly involved. Instead, it has set up an independent subsidiary, Calibra, to be part of the Association. The Association is designed to have around 100 by Libra’s anticipated launch in the first half of 2020, with each member having an equal one percent of the voting power. At its peak, the Libra Association had twenty-eight members. However, it had some trouble last week as several big names dropped out, including, PayPal, eBay, Visa, Mastercard, Stripe, and Mercado Pago, leaving 21 members. The Libra Association said earlier in the week that more than 1,500 entities have expressed interest in joining the project, with 180 meeting the organization’s membership criteria. A lot of the members that left are concerned about lawmaker’s harsh response to Libra and potential problems with money-laundering, data privacy, and privatizing the international money supply. While these are all valid concerns, it is disappointing to see lawmaker’s harsh response to a project that could revolutionize the current financial system. Technology has made major improvements in numerous industries throughout the past thirty years. It’s time to let technology make financial systems more efficient. While Libra, and other cryptocurrencies may have their problems, lawmakers should be more open to discussing new and innovative ways to modernize financial systems to improve efficiency and reduce costs.
References:
Libra Ass’n Members, An Introduction to Libra 3 (Libra Ass’n Members eds., 2019). Libra whitepaper <https://libra.org/en-US/white-paper/#introducing-libra>
Usman W. Chohan, Cryptocurrencies: A Brief Thematic Review, 1 (2017)
Satoshi Nakamoto, Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System1(2008)
Jon Hill & Philip Rosenstein, Libra Sparks Bipartisan Angst, but What can Regulators Do, Law 360 (July 12, 2019), https://www-law360-com.ezproxy.bu.edu/articles/1177883/libra-sparks-bipartisan-angst-but-what-can-regulators-do-
Christian Catalini et al., The Libra Reserve 1 (Christian Catalini et al. eds., 2019)
Richard Partington, How the Wheels Came off Facebook’s Libra Project, Guardian(Oct. 18, 2019), https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2019/oct/18/how-the-wheels-came-off-facebook-libra-project
Nikhilesh De, Facebook-Led Libra Forms Governing Council After Big-Name Departures, Coindesk, (Oct. 14, 2019), https://www.coindesk.com/facebook-led-libra-forms-governing-council-after-big-name-departures
Jessica Bursztynsky, Libra’s Co-Creator at Facebook Touts Progress After an Exodus of Key Backs of the Crypto Coin, CNBC, (Oct. 16, 2019), https://www.cnbc.com/2019/10/16/libras-co-creator-touts-progress-after-exodus-of-the-crypto-backers.html
Student Blog: Financial Tools Under the USA PATRIOT ACT
by Kevin Tang, RBFL Student Editor
On August 6th, 2019, the D.C. Circuit upheld contempt fines of $50,000-per-day on 3 Chinese banks. While these have been some of the harshest and most austere penalties imposed based on the USA PATRIOT ACT, the affirmation in favor of the United States could hardly be said to be surprising. The USA PATRIOT ACT’s provisions give the United States expansive and potent powers to deal with money laundering and foreign banks. And yet, while the full extent of those powers has not been accessed, the last five years have signaled an increased usage of those power by the United States, with courts affirming the government’s actions repeatedly. With the courts signaling wide deference to the United States in implementing the USA PATRIOT ACT’s financial powers, they may be opening the door for the use of those powers in the influence of foreign policy, notably against China, North Korea, and Iran. The two most impactful financial tools under the USA PATRIOT ACT are Sections 311 and 319.
Section 311 allows for the Secretary of the Treasury to designate a particular foreign financial institution, account, or even an entire region or country as a place of “primary money laundering concern.” Once designated, the United States can then require heightened recordkeeping and identification standards, but most notably, the United States can cut off interbank services from the designated institution. Without access to interbank services from American banks, there is no way to access U.S. dollars, and the impacted bank will usually go under. Hypothetically, the most expansive use of this Section could lead to the United States designating an entire country and cutting off the dollar from any financial institution within that country, as well as to any financial institution outside that country that does business with said country.
Section 319 allows for the United States to seize money from foreign accounts associated with not just money laundering, but with any activity that would be a crime in that foreign jurisdiction. Through statutory magic, Section 319 makes it so that money deposited in foreign accounts is considered to be deposited in the interbank account of that bank, and thus subject to seizure by the United States. Here, hypothetically, had a foreign actor used money in an illegal fashion in the foreign jurisdiction, regardless of whether it is a crime in the United States, and deposited that money in a foreign bank, Section 319 gives the United States the power to seize that money from that foreign bank’s American interbank account.
The expansive use of these two sections have been upheld by recent court decisions. In FBME Bank LTD. v. Mnuchin, the United States used Section 311 and cut off a Tanzanian bank from maintaining interbank accounts with American banks, the bank sued on the basis that the United States justified its action on classified information. The D.C. circuit affirmed that the United States could rely on classified information in justifying its 311 powers and the bank sent under shortly after. In United States v. Sum of &70,990,605, the court confirmed that seizures conducted under Section 319 granted no standing to the bank seized from to challenge the seizure outside of a very limited exception.
The recent willingness exhibited by the United States in using its broad powers under the USA PATRIOT ACT to go after financial institutions, mixed with the affirmation of such usage by the courts could lead us into a new era of leveraging those powers. It remains to be seen whether the current administration would be willing to use these powers in the realm of foreign policy, but these developments do signal that such uses may be permissible.
Sources:
FBME Bank Ltd. v. Mnuchin, 249 F.Supp.3d 215 (D.D.C. April 14, 2017); In Re: Sealed Case, 932 F.3d 915 (D.C. Cir. 2019); United States v. Sum of $70, 990, 605, 128 F.Supp.3d 350, 355-356 (D.D.C. Sept.14, 2015); 31 U.S.C. §5318; 18 U.S.C. §981; Joshua P. Zoffer, The Dollar And The United States’ Exorbitant Power to Sanction, 113 AM. J. INT’L L. 152, 154 (2019); Jon Hill, DC Circ. Won’t Let 3 Chinese Banks Duck US Subpoenas, Law360 (Aug. 6, 2019), https://www-law360-com.ezproxy.bu.edu/articles/1185604/dc-circ-won-t-let-3-chinese-banks-duck-us-subpoenas.
Student Blog: Analyzing Regulation Best Interest
by Kush Ganatra, RBFL Student Editor
A lot of people feel might feel that writing a note topic is supposed to be this dull, tiresome and tedious process that reminds one of just how lonely law school really is. However, there’s a very easy way to avoid that: find love. No, not that kind of love – every 1L’s learned that doesn’t exist. I mean love as in something you’d loveto write about.
I was interested in learning more about the SEC and its role in the aftermath of the financial crisis, so when I was exploring topics and learned about a controversial regulation called Regulation Best Interest (Reg BI), I knew it was love at first sight.
After the financial crisis in 2008, Congress passed Dodd-Frank to minimize the risk of such a catastrophe from recurring. A key provision in this act gave the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) rulemaking authority to create a new standard governing the conduct of financial professionals, such as investment advisers and broker dealers, when giving advising retail investors. Specifically, in defining the scope of the SEC’s authority, Congress stated that the new standard must ensure that financial professionals are disinterested when advising retail investors, and that they would be acting in the best interest of retail investors. Moreover, Congress directed the SEC to conduct a study that may reveal any deficiencies in the standard prevailing at the time. The study showed that retail investors were feeling very confused about which standards were applicable to the investment adviser and broker-dealers advising them. This confusion had a negative impact on retail investors.
Part of the SEC’s responsibilities when creating a new standard was to be mindful of any flaws in the current standard the study may expose. Accordingly, the SEC was also required to harmonize the various standards then in existence with the goal to create a standard that retail investors could easily understand when making investment decisions. As a result, the SEC came up with Reg BI, which has faced some controversy recently.
There’s a suit pending in the Southern District of New York challenging regulation BI on several grounds. The first is that Reg BI is outside the scope of the SEC’s authority, because the SEC didn’t rely on the provision in Dodd-Frank granting it rulemaking authority. Moreover, the regulation didn’t expressly prohibit financial professionals from acting in their own interest when advising retail investors. Lastly, Reg BI doesn’t do a good job of creating an unambiguous standard, because the standard it provides leaves key terms, such as “best interest,” undefined. Without any parameters for understanding these terms, retail investors will continue having difficulty interpreting the standard in a way that can help facilitate their decision making, and the standard will be difficult to enforce generally.
My note topic is going to examine the merits of these claims, and propose alternatives to Reg. BI that may better help protect retail investors. One alternative, for example, would be to subject investment advisers and broker-dealers to a disclosure requirement that would better allow retail investors to make informed decisions.
Student Blog: Extra Requirements for Tax Exempt Status of Educational Organizations?
by Ainsley Tucker, RBFL Student Editor
Tax law often requires interpreting words that seem clear until the right controversy comes along—and interpretation can be costly. When tax law and administrative law collide, agency deference adds yet another layer to the puzzle. The District Court for the District of Minnesota recently heard a case examining the interplay between the U.S. Tax Code and the Treasury Department’s interpretive regulations in assessing tax liability for sophisticated tax-exempt organizations.
At stake in Mayo Clinic v. United States (2019): an $11.5 million tax refund. At issue: the meaning of “educational organization” under U.S. tax law. The controversy over interpretation arose because both the Internal Revenue Code (“the Code”) and the Treasury Department present tests for defining “education organization”—and the Treasury Department’s interpretive regulation (“the Regulation”) requires additional factors. Treasury regulations establish proper statutory interpretation of the Code.[1]Tax-exempt organizations rely on both the Code itself and the clarifying regulations in determining tax liability. Thus, the question before the Court: which definition controls?
Mayo Clinic needs to worry about paying taxes, despite being “tax-exempt,” because tax-exempt organizations generally owe federal taxes for income substantially unrelated to their charitable missions (“UBIT”) unless they are “qualified organizations.” Qualified organizations, which include “educational organizations,” are exempt from certain forms of UBIT. Mayo Clinic contends it is an education organization because it operates numerous teaching hospitals, grants medical degrees, and its official charitable mission is to “provide the best care to every patient through integrated clinical practice, research, and education.”[2]
The Code presents a four-part test for defining education organizations, the “faculty-curriculum-student-place” test.[3]The Regulation adds two mandatory requirements to the Code’s definition: 1) education is the organization’s primary function, and 2) any non-educational activities are merely incidentalto the educational activities.[4]Employing a Chevron analysis, the Court concluded that the Regulation overstepped its agency authority by including the two additional factors.[5]As a matter of statutory construction, Congress had “spoken clearly” by omitting the Regulation’s two additional factors from the Statute but including them in subsequent sections.[6]Therefore, the District Court invalidated the Regulation and held that Mayo Clinic was an “educational organization” entitled to its tax refund.
The United States has appealed the decision to the Eighth Circuit, where the case will continue to raise questions of the relative ease with which tax-exempt organizations, particularly academic medical centers like Mayo Clinic, may be able to call themselves “educational organizations” in the future, how much deference courts may give to U.S. Treasury Department regulations, and the importance of a tax-exempt organizations’ self-identification for tax purposes. At stake: millions of tax dollars. Stay tuned.
Sources:
[1]IRM 32.1.1.2 (Aug. 2, 2018) (from Part 32: Published Guidance and other Guidance to Taxpayers, Ch. 1 § 1), at https://www.irs.gov/irm/part32/irm_32-001-001.
[2]Mayo Clinic, Form-990 (2008)
[3]26 U.S.C. §170(b)(1)(A)(ii)
[4]Treas. Reg. § 1.70A-9(c)(1) (1973) (26 C.F.R. § 1.170A-9(c)(1))
[5]Mayo Clinic v. United States, No. 16-cv-03113, slip op. at 6-7 (D. Minn Aug. 8, 2019).
[6]Id.
Student Blog: Labor, Pension Funds, and Private Equity
by Joseph Baron, RBFL Student Editor
The seed for my note topic was planted before I even knew I wanted to be a lawyer. I studied film as an undergrad and went out into the world with the hopes of one day directing an Oscar award-winning masterpiece. With no industry contacts I had to hustle for work, but I networked my way onto the sets of some big shows in New York. For the first year, the magic masked the brutality of reality—fourteen-plus hour days often in the elements making minimum wage.
My role as a production assistant was one of the few non-union positions on set and I felt voiceless. I was envious of union crew members with their shop stewards and union reps to turn to when producers pushed the envelope. As the years went on, I realized even despite union backing producers had all the power. Sure, filming six-day weeks for sixteen-hours a day might cost the studio a fortune in overtime, but if a crew member raised safety concerns about that work-week, they wouldn’t be back. Once reality set in, I knew I needed to get out. That’s when I set my sights on law school.
The summer before school, a friend of mine and I were chatting about the labor movement and pension funds. I proposed labor could use that capital to push for pro-worker conditions. When I got home that night, I looked up pension fund activism and stumbled on a book (coincidentally by BU Law professor David Webber) right on point.[1] From there, I started thinking about the tools available to labor and what enduring structural changes would look like.
Inspiration for the substantive structural change came from the German system of codetermination requiring employee representatives to serve on certain companies’ supervisory boards (similar to boards of directors for US companies).[2] One knock on codetermination is that it only exists by fiat.[3] Elizabeth Warren’s Accountable Capitalism Act would take the fiat road to transplanting codetermination to America, but I wondered if there could be another viable method via existing market mechanisms.[4]
Once I finally started school and spent some time networking with corporate attorneys, I kept hearing about private equity funds. My ears perked up whenever they mentioned that some of the big players in the private equity world were pension funds like CalPERS—that is where an amorphous seed of an idea began to sprout. Can pension fund involvement with private equity be used as a vehicle to introduce codetermination into the American corporate governance structure? Can they create their own funds to advance the idea?
As I further research those questions, some of the major issues that crop up surround the duty of loyalty and the pressure to consider returns above all else. In developing my note, I will see if I can answer the questions of when and whether a pension fund can push a governance reform like codetermination through private equity fund vehicles.
Sources:
[1]David H. Webber, The Rise of the Working-Class Shareholder: Labor’s Last Best Weapon (2018).
[2]SeeSusan-Jacqueline Butler, Models of Modern Corporations: A Comparative Analysis of German and U.S. Corporate Structures, 17 Ariz. J. of Int’l & Comp. L.555, 561, 566 (2000).
[3]Michael C. Jensen & William H. Meckling, Rights and Production Functions: An Application to Labor-Managed Firms and Codetermination, 52 The J. of Bus.469, 473 (1979).
[4]Press Release, Elizabeth Warren, Warren Introduces Accountable Capitalism Act, (Aug. 15, 2018), https://www.warren.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/warren-introduces-accountable-capitalism-act.